A DISCOVRSE
CONCERNING
THE GROVNDS & CAVSES
of this miserable civill warre; Wherein Ireland
is exhausted, England wasted, and Scotland likely
to be embroyled: and wherein not onely Liberty,
but Religion is endangered, &c.

KING CHARLES was within few
late yeers, quietly possest of three flourishing
Kingdoms; and for a while, as
his Subjects seemed to enjoy all the
blandishments of peace under his
reigne, to the envie of other Nations;
so he appear'd eminently glorious in
the inviolable loyalty and obedience
of his Subjects; to the inciting of envy
amongst other Princes.
But to that serene, delightfull calme,
a most dismall tempest hath since suceeded;
and in so short a traverse of time a more wofull, desperate
Catastrophe (then this which now confounds both King and Subjects)
was scarce ever brought about in any other Countrey. All our
gamesome Holidayes past, seem now to us like the sleep of Jonah in
the ship, the trance thereof onely lockt up our senses for a while, that
we might be betrayed to the greater horror and amazement, when
the incursion of unexpected calamities should immediately seize us
under so dead and stupid a condition. Ireland already is become as
sad a spectacle as the ruthlesse hand of war ever made any since Vespasians
dayes: and England, though it sinks a little more slowly, yet
is in the posture of sinking, and is not to be supported but by a divine
hand more then ordinarie: and lastly, Scotland is but one degree only

A3

more removed from destruction. The greater the Popish faction is in
Scotland, and the more potent that Court-party there is, which suggests
to it self probable advantages out of the shipwrack of broken
England, the more inevitably is that Nation owned and destin'd to
the same ruine as England; let not dreams infatuate, she must expect
the same line to be stretched over her, as England has, if she prevent
not her fate by some sisterly assistance, whilest it is thus distant, she
shall certainly unpitied perish at its neerer approach.
But the Question is, Whence did these unnaturall broyls spring
and arise; Hath the Kings misgovernment, or the Nations rebellious
disposition, caused these sudden distempers? has all this discord been
stirr'd principally by Ecclesiasticall or Civill Persons? and have their
ends been temporall or spirituall? How does that commotion which
was in Scotland differ in cause from ours in England; or this in England
from that in Ireland? Has it been the same designe carried on for
many yeers together, from whose maturity at length all our troubles
in all the three Nations have been derived? Or have the Scots occasionally
aimed at one thing, the Irish at another, and the English at another?
If the Rebels in Ireland, and the Parliament in England have
purposes diametrically opposite, how is it that the King protests
against both? how comes it, that he wages a war upon the Parliament,
that is as favourable to the Irish, as destructive to the English?
And if the Scots and the English propose the same thing, how is it that
the English are thus implacably Prosecuted, whilest the Scots are
friendly intreated? How is it, that Papists are so far united, yea, even
in Ireland where they pretend for the King, contrary to the acknowledgement
of our Court, yet all of them move undevided, and in England,
where they fight for the King, and are accordingly entertained
and allowed so to do; yet still they are unanimous, whereas Protestants
hold no perfect correspondence any where, in Ireland they joyn
against Papists, yet favour the Papists cause in England; and in England
they fight under Popish Banners, and by consequence maintaine
the Romish faith, both in England and Ireland? And if these miseries
have been not meere late accidentall events, but the studied and prepared
accomplishments and productions of divers former yeers, then
whether is't more probable, that the Parliament, hath been this
long time busie in plotting against the Court, or the Court against
the Parliament?
To give satisfaction to all men in all these Queeries, will be difficult;
but to give satisfaction to all honest Protestants, and to convince

2

all our most subtill enemies, be they Protestants or Papists, will
not be impossible; and therefore my utmost skill shall endeavour it.
And if this age will not give me credit therein, I am certain the next
will; I will commandingly say, That it shall without dissent and deniall
receive and acknowledge these truths which I now deliver.
The sons of the Jews erected Trophyes, and built Monuments of
honour for those Prophets which had been stoned in the ages before,
and yet at the same time, perhaps they maliciously murdered the
true successours of the same Prophets; such difference is there betwixt
the evidence of present and past truth; nevertheless, I shall for
the present lie the leste obnoxious to contradiction or distrust, because
I shall not so much insist upon conjectures or nude averments of my
own, as the censures of strangers and Papists; and the judgements of
other Statesmen, whose partiality herein is the lesse to be suspected.
The great tyranie and usurpation of Romane Prelates, who (to purchase
to themselves an Ecclesiasticall Empire, more large and uncontrolable
then any temporall Monarch ever challenged) had perverted
Religion and innovated the whole frame of Christianity; began
to be discovered to many in England about 120 yeers since: Henry the
eighth also, so far as his own Crown was concerned therein, was
wiling to countenance the discovery; but as for a totall reformation
of Religion, or redemption of his Subjects liberty from popish
thraldome, no such thought ever entred into his breast. 'Twas indifferent
to him on the same day, and in the same place, to hang a
Papist maintaining the Popes supremacy, and to burn a Protestant
denying those corruptions of Religion whereupon that supremacy
was founded: so indigested and rude a Chaos of Doctrine was that
which he sought to authorise and to daub over with his untempered
morter. Edward the sixth, by a more blessed illumination, set himself
to pull down the whole fabrick, and to raze the very foundation
of Hierarchy; and had it not been a work of more yeers, then it
pleased God to adde to his life, he surely had not left one stone upon
another. Queen Mary set her self as entirely to repair the Popes Empire,
as her brother did to ruine it; yea, even to the effusion of much
blood, with a more fierce zeal she laboured in it, and had not death
overtaken her, and the hand of God otherwise crossed her, perhaps
no hopes had been left for a new restauration under her successor.
Queen Elizabeth, with as perfect an integrity as either her brothers
was in maintenance of truth, of her sisters in maintenance of superstition,
applyed her self and her utmost power to restore Religion

3

again in full conformity to her brother, and opposition to her sister.
Two admirable Councellors she had, Cecyll and Bacon, both cordiall
and totally addicted to the Protestant Religion: the honour of
whom leaves her honour unquestionable; for as much as to choose
good instruments is the noblest testimony of goodnesse: and the influence
of Princes upon servants, is greater then that of servants upon
Princes. I have heard that the then Earl of Pembrooke being sollicited
by other Court Grandees, to enter into a confederacie with
them about some alteration in Church and State, he told them
plainly, he durst not venture his manner of Wilton in the businesse,
unlesse Cecyll and Bacon were first hanged at the Court gate; and to
hang them would be a matter not to be compassed, till they with
their Rhetorick in Cheapside should avert the Citizens hearts from
them, and that he left as a fond conceit. Neverthelesse, in censure of
Queen Elizabeth, some have said that she swept the roome clean, but
yet left all the dust heaped up behind the doore, and did not carry it
forth as she ought to have done. Their meaning, I conceive, is, that
though she much awed and restrained both Prelates and Papists, so
as they durst not attempt any thing against the constitution of this
State, during her reigne; yet she left them not in so desperate a condition,
but that they did recover strength, and reunite again after
her death. This censure seems to me too harsh: for Prelates without
the copulation of Papists to gender a filthy spawne upon them, are
not of any considerable danger; and Papists by her long and prosperous
reign, were as much quelled and disabled, as possible they could
be. If any dust was left behind the doore, 'twas because her life-time
was not extensive enough for the carrying it forth; for the reduction
of Ireland was very late, she scarce survived it, and yet to make the
Irish Protestants, was of farre more difficultie, and would consume
longer time then to make them Subjects.
The propagation of the true Faith therefore in Ireland, was a task
which Queen Elizabeth was of necessity to leave to her successors; and
'tis very probable, had they begun where she desisted, and not deviated
from her resolution, that Kingdom had long ere this, afforded as
many Protestants as Subjects; whereas now it denies both: for doubtlesse
Queen Elizabeth at her decease, left Ireland in better disposition
to conform to England, then she found England in at her sisters decease
to revolt from Rome, and therefore with the same industry her
successors might have done the same in Ireland as she had done in
England. But alas, no such course was taken there; we have reason to

4

think rather that Popery was cherished and preserved in Ireland, to
make way for these tragicall divisions, then that there was any designe
or undertaking to plant Protestantisme in it, for the establishing
further union between the Nations: The example of Q. Elizabeth, to
whom the protection of God was as constant in saving her from the
bloody Emissaries of Rome, did not work so strongly to animate King
James: as the Apostasie of Henry the French King, whom God deserted
for his desertion, did serve to intimidate him. The revolt of Henry the
fourth, who gained the Title of Great by his warlike atchievements,
and the horrible conjuration of the Powder Traytors here in England
made so strong impression upon the soft and mild temper of King
James; that to temporise a little with Rome, for better security of his
Person, appeared at that time very seasonable; wherefore to dally
with Antichrist a little, letters were written to Cardinall Perrone, and
answers received about a reconciliation of Religions, and in order
thereunto, the rigour of penall Laws was rebated; nay, countenance
was shewed to Papists, the grandour of Prelates and pomp of Ceremonies
in the Church began to be affected. The neerer also that King
James his end approached, the more it resembled Solomons, and grew
tainted with the soule symptomes of a declination; in so much that
scarce any but Papists were admitted to govern his Councels, and
then the whole Kingdom began to be exposed as a prey, to Spanish,
French, Italian pensioners. It was well observed by the Duke of Roan
that no Prince in Europe so much opposed his own interests, both in
civill and religious affairs as King James; for, doubtlesse the Pope by
his agents in all Church matters, was more potent then the King
himself; and so was Gundamore in matters of State, had not the
French and Dutch, and some other Nations interfered with the Pope
and Spaniard, and given gold for some part in us rather to save us,
then that we should be lost to their enemies; doubtlesse we had been
disposed of quickly; our happinesse was, that France was liberall
enough to buy us from Spain, and Spain liberall enough to buy us
from France, &c. though our misery was, that both sides pulled away
more from us, then they parted withall from themselves. And now
when three Kingdoms are under the subjection of one Prince, who is
under the subjection of one lustfull, rash, young Favourite, and that
Favourite solely at the devotion of his vitious, opprobrious, mischievous
mother, and that mother a meere Votaresse to Rome, utterly
forfeited, resigned, and sold to the commands of Jesuites: When our
miserable Nations are in this ridiculous, preposterous posture of

B

government, who can wonder that a Spanish or French Match for
our Prince should be designed? As great a masse of treasure might
have been received with a German Lady, and that with lesse expence
(for the portion of Spaine or France can scarse equall the charge of
fetching it) all that can be said is, Pistols and Patachoons are more
valuable than Dollars, in our judgement. Alliance also amongst
Princes, if it be of any, it is of dangerous consequence, it is certain to
produce reall enmitie and emulation: but it is uncertain to produce
so much as a shadow of amitie and union, especially amongst Princes
of the Romish Religion. If we negotiate concerning a marriage with
the Spanish Infanta, tis necessarie that we keep fair intelligence with
France, and capitulate strongly with the German Princes: and if we
break off with Spaine, and treat with the French Lady, tis necessary
that we enter into a new confederacie with Spaine, and prepare a
Fleet for the Isle of Rhees. So much weaker than cobwebs are the
bonds of matrimony amongst ambitious Monarchs.
Something also may be said against the incestuous extractions of
the House of Austria, and the Florentine mixtures of the House of
Burbon; whereas the nobilitie, chastitie, and beautie of the Germane
Dames, hath ever been not onely beyond all exception, but also beyond
all comparison. Nothing then but Poperie (unlesse we will
adde also the manifold mischiefs of Poperie) could be aimed at in a
Popish Alliance by those devillish Engineers, which were the insolent
Lords of our Lords, or rather of our Lords, Lords, Lords.
And if we desire further satisfaction therein, let us consider the
substance of the Popes letter written the 20 of April, 1623. to our
Prince in Spaine, and our Princes answer thereunto, as they are faithfully
translated, and registred by Du Chesne the French Geographer,
in his Book, fol. 1162.

The Popes Rhetorick in brief flows thus:

MOst noble Prince: the former Kings of Britain have been very famous
for their devotion to the Popes Chaire, and now though the state of the
English Church be altered, yet the Court is adorned with such morall
vertues, as may support our charitie; and the more the glory of your most clement
Father, and the resentment of your royall nature (or inclination) delights us,
the more ardour there is in us, to open the gates of Heaven to you. We commend
your designe, which hath directed you to take a journey into Spaine, to allye your
self to the House of Austria, it elevates us to the hope of extraordinarie advantage;

our open testimonie is in this present affaire, that you are he which has the
principall care and regard of our Prelacie: for since you desire to take in marriage
a daughter of Spaine, we easily conjecture that your Progenitours zeal may again
revive on your soul; and its not credible, that he that loves such alliance should
hate the Catholick Religion, or take delight in oppressing the holy Seat. Therefore
publick intercession is made continually by our command, that you may be put
into possession of that most noble heritage, which your Ancestours have purchased
for you, to defend the authoritie of the Soveraigne Bishop, and to combat against
the monsters of heresie. The most sacred Kings of England came formerly from
England to Rome accompanied with Angels, to honour and do homage to the
Prince of the Apostles in his Chaire Apostolicall: let their actions be as so many
voices of God, to exhort you to the same, and to bring you back again into the lap
of the Romane Church. Their sighs and groanes are uncessant for your salvation,
and you cannot give greater consolation to Christendome, than to put the
Prince of the Apostles into possession of your most noble Isle, holding his authoritie
as the defence of the Kingdoms, and as a Divine Oracle. Our great charitie
makes us desire, that you and your royall Father may be enobled with the
names of Deliverers and Restauratours of the ancient paternall Religion of
Britaine: and the care of our charitie in this is no other, than to procure your
happinesse.

The Answer in short is thus couched.

MOst holy Father: I received your Sanctities dispatch with grand contentment,
and with a respect beseeming the pietie and benevolence thereof.
I have read the Elogies of my Royall Progenitours, who have exposed
their estates and lives for the exaltation of the holy Chaire, (set before mine
eyes by your Holinesse for imitation) with pleasure unexpressible, and as justly
deserved by them. Neither was their courage against the enemies of the Crosse
lesse, than the thought and care which I have to unite all Christian Princes: nor
do I esteeme it a greater honour to be descended of so great Princes, than to represent
them in the zeal of their pietie. The knowledge which I have of my most
honoured Fathers mind, and the concurrence of his Catholick Majestie, to whom
the present divisions of Christian Princes is so grievous; and the fore-sight of
your Holinesse, who judged this marriage with the Infanta of Spaine necessary
for procuring of publick union, and therefore designed it, are great encouragements
to me. Wherefore tis most certain, I shall never be so extremely affectionate
to any thing in the world, as to seek alliance with a Prince that hath the same
sense of true Religion with my self. I have been alwayes very far from encouraging
novelties, or being a partie in any faction against the Catholick, Apostolicke,

B2

Romane Religion: but have sought all occasions to remove such suspitions
from resting on me. And for the future, since we all beleeve in one Jesus Christ,
I will straine all my power to have but one Religion and one Faith; and I am resolved
to spare nothing in the world, but to suffer all manner of discommodities,
even to the hazard of life and estate, for the effecting hereof. It rests onely, that I
thank your Holinesse for your permission and accord herein; and I pray God to
blesse you, for the great travaile which your Holinesse hath sustained in his
Church.
If this was Court-dissimulation, Gods name was too far used in it,
and the dissimulation hath extended further than to language; the
maine affairs of our Court and Church, for many yeers together,
have been conformable to the same expressions. And if here was
plain meaning without dissimulation, no words of man can more
fully and clearly justifie Poperie, and protest against the novelties
and heresies of the Reformed Churches than these do. And the Pope,
it seems, suspected no dissimulation herein, nor his Councellours, and
principall Ministers, (and yet they are not usually gulled, or blinded,
or out-done in that kind of Craft) and for proof hereof, I will
instance in Father John de Monte-Major of the Societie of Jesus, and
I will be very brief herein, and confine my self onely to him. This
Jesuite was a subtile States-man (as we may perceive by his arguments
now in print) and in the Iunto at Madrid, when the marriage
of the Infanta with our Prince was upon debate, for answer to such
difficulties and objections as some other of the Iunto had offered to
oppose the marriage, he divers times insisted upon such points as
these: Since the Prince is a man setled in his manners, and makes great account
of our holy Law, it may with sufficient probabilitie be hoped, that by the
good example of the most illustrious Infanta, and all her Attendants, both men
and women, and by the holinesse and doctrine of her Confessour, he will be easily
brought to our holy faith. fol. 6.a. And therefore as we have seen that the Prince
and his Father have kept their agreement made at the Treatie of peace, for the
well using of Catholicks; and we are informed out of England, that this yeer in
the holy week within London, there have been at the Communion 4000 Catholicks
in the Embassadours house, and that they have made 40 monuments,
no body speaking one word to controll them: fol. 7.a. Both the Prince and his
Father do extremely desire the friendship of his Holinesse, and of Spaine, which
Henry the eighth little did care for: and thats the reason which moveth the
Prince and his Father to procure this marriage, is to establish the said friendship
with the Apostolick See, and the Crown of Spaine, fol. 7.b. Another principall
thing to be observed is, that the Prince (as all other English and French Hereticks

do) beleeve that we are saved, keeping the Religion of the Church of
Rome, fol. 8.b. There are sufficient signes shewing that the King of England is
well affected to our Religion, since it appears he with such care and pains endeavours
to match his Son with a Spouse so much Catholick, daughter to so Catholick
Parents, and he being the onely Heir of his Kingdom, against the advice
of all the Hereticks, and all his Councellours, and all the enemies of this Crown,
hath sent him with great danger of his health and life, &c. All which is a great
signe, that he being moved with some great light from Heaven, desires to forsake
the new Religion he professeth, and to return to the old one professed by his Predecessours,
for so many ages. The Prince gives clear testimony to be well affected
to our holy Law, since he beleeveth, and hath spoken it to divers persons, that
those that follow the same are saved in it, &c. being Grand-child to a Grandmother
that died a Martyr. fol. 9.a. Thus great hope may be, that the whole
Kingdom shall be reduced to the Catholick Faith. fol. 9.b. It is to be noted
how earnestly this match hath been pursued and treated for, both with his Holinesse
and other persons, debated in many Junto's by most learned men. fol. 10.b.
There shall be kept a publick Church in London for the Catholicks, a Bishop of
that Citie, libertie of conscience, the children shall be brought up by their mother
(the Infanta) till they be fourteen yeers of age, &c.
Where such great Agents of the Hierarchy have not onely delivered
their judgements so plainly, but also set forth the reasons whereupon
their judgements are grounded so clearly, I shall forbear any
further to deliver mine. These things are publick enough in the
Spanish tongue. But let us stay no more upon times so long ago elapsed,
let us for brevitie sake omit all discourse concerning the wars in
Bohemia, the Palatinate, Rochel, and other Countreys, where our
false promises of supplyes and aids, purposely (as is thought) destroyed
the Protestant cause; let us now lightly passe over the former
part of these last twentie yeers, and chiefly fix our discourse upon the
alterations and innovations of the latter part thereof. Whilest the
Queen was very young, and the plot of our Hierarchists not fully
ripe, the Babylonish Mysteries were not fit to be revealed: and yet
even in those times, the work went on darkly and insensibly, and
some use was made of the very loosenesse and excesse of those times,
to help on the perfection thereof.
This violent sharp maladie, of which we labour so distressedly at
this present, began to seize the vitals of this State, long before its violence
appeared, and the venome thereof, as if it were of affinitie with
that of the Tarantula, whilest it was in its slow growth, caused rather
fits of jollitie, than pangs of dolour in us. That which is now murther,

B3

rapine, lamentation, was within these twentie yeers masking,
triumphing, revelling; so that he that writes the storie of our overthrow,
must say that we drunk, and danced, and sported our selves
to death: some mortall and noxious potions may yet be delicate to
the palate, and others of medicinall and salubrious vertue may
offend the taste verie much: so it is with times, some abounding in
dissolute merriment, may yet conduce to a Nations overthrow,
whilest others more sad and uncouth may be helpfull towards a recoverie.
Tis not just therefore in the enemies of Parliaments, to ascribe
the cause of our present miseries to the Parliament, or to exclaim
against these times for being as yet miserable: neither ought
they so much to boast of that false betraying jollitie, which we seemed
heretofore to enjoy. Tis now about ten yeers since a Nuntio came
over from the Pope, the businesse before was transacted by Sir Toby
Mathews, and some other more privie Instruments; for we must not
think that a Nuntio was sent, till his way was before made, and entertainment
agreed upon, and that agreement also (we must needs
think) had its preparations, and previous considerations: but to
limit our discourse to these last ten yeers, and to give a very brief account
of them, from the mouth of such as are not partiall, let us in
the first place make use of that Censure and Narrative which hath
been lately published in Print, and is entituled, The Popes Nuntio, &c.
The Author of that Discourse, was a Venetian, and seems a man
equally ingenuous and observing, and because he was a Papist, we
may not think he did utter any untruth to the disadvantage of his
own religion; and because he was imployed in State matter; at
Court, we may ghesse that what he communicated was for the most
part of things within his own knowledge and privitie; the piece also
is faithfully translated out of the Italian and French, and was valued
and preferred as a thing not fit for vulgar eyes by great Statesmen
of other Nations; and there are few of our own Nation and Religion
that had any sight into Court affairs, but they know well, much
more might have been said, and is likely yet to be discovered. However
by the light of that Pamphlet, we shall be informed, that the
word Popery is of various ambiguous signification; so that he which
abjures the Romish Religion, may yet like well of a reconciliation
with Rome. And Reconciliation in the next place, is a thing that may
admit of such and such degrees and steps both of one side and the
other, and such fraud may be used in a Treaty of reconciliation, that
one side may condescend to more then is intended, and the other

10

gaine more then is pretended; and in all these points, our Venetian,
if he be rightly and throughly understood, will satisfie our doubts,
and clear our ambiguities; I shall desire therefore all impartiall disingaged
men, to review our Venetians discourse with me, and to
give me leave to descant thereupon a little, whilest I fetch my considerations
no higher nor further than the method and guidance of
that Pamphlet directs me: our Venetian tels us, that King Charles once
was heard to say, that He could at that time reconcile himself to
the Church of Rome with much advantage: for our better information
therein, and that we may neither mistake the Kings intention,
nor conceal our own danger, let us make use of our Venetians discourse
in these five particulars:
1 Let us from hence learn to understand what the reconciliation
was; and how far each side should comply and submit according
to the capitulation.
2 Who were the parties to be reconciled.
3 What were the expedients and means of effecting or speeding
this reconciliation.
4 What that profit and great advantage was, which the King
promised to himself by this reconciliation.
5 What the difficulties and obstacles were which did retard this
reconciliation.
1 We shall do well, first to take into our consideration the articles
and capitulation betwixt both parties, whereby it was agreed how
far the Papists should meet the Protestants, and how far the Protestants
should advance towards the Papists; the Pope was to move
towards us but very slowly, in a pace exceeding majesticall; his Holinesse
was pleased, not without much difficulty to dispence with
foure things: First, that marriage might be permitted to Priests:
Secondly, that the oath of Allegeance and Supremacie, so far as it
concerned the Kings temporall power, with some mild interpretations
or alterations might be tolerated for his Majesties securitie:
Thirdly, that the Communion might be administred sub utraque
specie: Fourthly, that the Lyturgie might be officiated in the English
tongue. These two last Articles were for the satisfaction of the
people. Twas the great zeal of Canterbury to capitulate for these
things, to make the entrance of Popery the more smooth at first; and
this was about the latter end of August, or the beginning of September,
1636. during the residence of Seignior Con; and though our Venetian
help us not herein, yet this is known sufficiently, and can be

averred otherwise; nevertheless, we may probably conjecture, that
what did concern the King herein, should have been really performed,
so far forth as other Catholick Princes usually injoy, and expect
as their due; and so far as the Bishops were to be independent both
from King and Pope (which was the maine scope and purpose of
the agreement, though not mentioned at all in the Articles) there
was no fear of breach on the Popes part, but so far as the inferiour
Clergie, and the people were concerned, the after performance (it
is to be suspected) was to be left to the Popes discretion, the conditions
being onely of temporall advantage, rather fit to induce than
to confirm Popery. This seems the more likely to be true, because
of the great facilitie which was in our Divines to comply with the
Papists of their own accord without any allurements, or sollicitation
at all; the Papists were not so backward in walking towards
Calvin, as the Protestants were hasty in running towards the Pope;
for even before any Treaty at all, or before any Nuntio sent from
Rome, we had condescended to many popish innovations, and alterations,
both in doctrine and discipline; and twas at our intreaty,
that any Nuntio was dispatched at all. It is not worth while to
reckon up here, what novelties had been patronized, and by whom,
how far Sparrow had paved the way for Auricular Confession, Watts
for Penance, Heylin for Altar-worship, Mountague for Saint-worship,
Laud for the Masse, and many others; it is not worth while to recite,
how far the sanctity of the Sabbath was depraved, and all strictnesse
of life under the scandall of Puritanisme disparaged, or how farre
Arminianisme, Socinianisme, Atheisme it self was countenanced,
the easier to debosh the Clergie, and people, and to prepare them for
alterations of any kind, it having been observed; that to some men irreligion
it self seemed lesse offensive than the Popish religion: our Venetians
own words are; The Vniversities, Bishops and Divines of this Realme, do
daily imbrace Catholick opinions, though they professe it not with open mouth,
for fear of the Puritanes; for example, they hold that the Church of Rome is a
true Church; that the Pope is superiour to all Bishops; that to him it appertains
to call generall Councels; that it is lawfull to pray for the souls departed; that
Altars ought to be erected; in summe, they beleeve all that is taught by the
Church, but not by the Court of Rome. In another place he reports the King
to be much a favourer of Confession, and saies, that by his countenance, Catholicks
did increase daily.